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星期一, 9月 02, 2013

[G4G] 奥巴马关于叙利亚问题的声明(全文)

奥巴马关于叙利亚问题的声明(全文)
作者:奥巴马
  当地时间8月31日(北京时间9月1日凌晨),奥巴马在白宫发表讲话,坚持认定叙利亚政府使用化学武器杀害超过1000人,称自己已经决定应该采取不派驻地面部队的有限军事行动,呼吁国会支持自己的决定,还批评联合国安理会“完全瘫痪、不愿惩治阿萨德”。以下为讲话全文:
 
 
  玫瑰园(Rose Garden)
 
  东部夏令时下午1:52
 
  总统:各位下午好。10天前,全世界看到了男女老幼在叙利亚发生的21世纪最残忍的化学武器袭击中惨遭屠杀的骇人场面。昨天,美国确凿地说明了叙利亚政府应为这次攻击本国人民的事件负责。
 
  我们获取的情报表明,阿萨德(Assad)政权及其军队曾准备使用化学武器、向大马士革(Damascus)近郊人口稠密的地区发射火箭弹,并承认发生了一起化学武器袭击。所有这些都证实了全世界清楚地看到的情况——医院里满是受害者;死者的画面令人惊骇。总计有远远超过1,000人惨遭杀害。其中有数百名儿童——年幼的男孩和女孩被他们自己的政府用毒气害死。
 
  这次袭击是对人类尊严的践踏。它还对我们的国家安全构成了严重威胁。它有可能令全球禁止使用化学武器的禁令受到嘲弄。它使与叙利亚相邻的我们的友邦和伙伴国处境危险,其中包括以色列、约旦、土耳其、黎巴嫩和伊拉克。它可能导致化学武器的使用升级,或导致化学武器在妄图伤害我们人民的恐怖主义团伙中扩散。
 
  在一个存在多种危险的世界中,这种威胁必须得到遏制。
 
  现在,在经过审慎斟酌之后,我已决定美国应当采取军事行动打击叙利亚政权目标。这不会是一场旷日持久的干预。我们不会派出地面部队。我们的行动将被制定为在时间和范围上都是有限度的。但我相信,我们能够追究阿萨德政权使用化学武器的罪责,遏制这类行径,并削弱他们采取这种行动的能力。
 
  我们的军队已在该地区部署力量。参谋长联席会议主席(Chairman of the Joint Chiefs)已经向我报告,我们已准备好在我们选择的时间发起行动。此外,参谋长联席会议主席还告诉我,我们执行这项使命的能力不受时间限制;明天、下个星期或从现在开始一个月以后都将具备效力。我已准备好下达这项命令。
 
  但是,在作为军队统帅基于我所确信的我国国家安全利益作出决定的同时,我也牢记我是全世界历史最悠久的宪政民主国家的总统。长久以来,我一直深信,我们的实力不仅源于我们的军事威力,更源于我们作为一个民有、民治、民享的政府的典范力量。正因为如此,我还作出了第二项决定:我将征求国会中美国人民的代表给予使用武力的授权。
 
  近几天来,我们听到了想公开发表意见的国会议员的声音。我对此完全赞同。今天上午,我同全部4位国会领袖进行了交谈,他们同意在国会复会后立即制定举行辩论和投票的日程。
 
  在今后几天中,本届政府随时准备向每一位议员提供他们所需的信息,以便了解在叙利亚发生的事件以及它对美国国家安全影响重大的原因。我们所有人在向前推进的过程中都应当接受问责,而投票是作到问责的唯一途径。
 
  我确信我国政府不等联合国核查人员调查完毕便已得出的结论。我相信可以在没有联合国安理会(United Nations Security Council)批准的情况下采取行动,因为到目前为止,安理会已完全陷入瘫痪,不愿追究阿萨德的罪责。因此,很多人还提出反对将这个决定提交国会,毫无疑问,他们受到了我们这个星期所看到的在英国发生的情况的影响,我们最亲密的盟国的议会未能通过一项抱有类似目标的决议案,尽管英国首相支持采取行动。
 
  不过,虽然我相信我有权在没有得到国会明确授权的情况下执行这项军事行动,但我知道如果我们采取这个步骤,我们的国家将更加强大,我们的行动将更有效力。我们应当展开这场辩论,因为此事事关重大,不可一如往常。今天上午,约翰?博纳(John Boehner)、哈里・里德(Harry Reid)、南希・佩洛西(Nancy Pelosi)和米奇・麦康奈尔(Mitch McConnell)一致认为这是为我们的民主制度而采取的正确步骤。
 
  国家派遣军队属于重大决策,很少有其他事务能与之相比,即使军队的数量很有限也是如此。有些人呼吁保持谨慎,特别是因为我国正逐步走出战争时期,我当选现职在某种程度上也是为了结束战争。我尊重这些人的看法。但是面临如此罄竹难书的罪恶暴行,我们如果的确想袖手旁观,不采取适当的行动,就必须承担不采取行动的代价。
 
  我对国会每一位成员和全球社会每一位成员提出的问题是:如果独裁者可以在光天化日之下使数百名儿童被毒气夺取生命,但不付出任何代价,那么我们将发出什么样的信号?如果禁止使用化学武器一事得到代表全世界98%人民的政府同意,也在美国国会以压倒多数批准,但得不到执行,那么我们已经建立的国际体系作用何在?
 
  毫无疑问—这个问题的意义已经超出了化学战的范畴。面对这种罪大恶极的行为,如果我们不采取负责任的强制措施,我们还有没有决心抗击蔑视基本国际准则的人?还有没有决心抵制企图制造核武器的政府?还有没有决心打击扩散生物武器的恐怖主义分子?还有没有决心制止采取种族灭绝行动的军队?
 
  我们如果不能言出必行,不能执行签署的协议,不能维护体现我们本色的价值观,就无法在这个世界上教导我们的子女。
 
  所以,我将向国会提出这个问题,也将向全世界传递这个信息。此时,联合国调查人员还需要时间报告调查结果,但我们需要强调,对于使用化学武器犯下的滔天罪行,这不仅仅是调查的问题,而必须给于迎头痛击。
 
  我并不认为每一个国家都会同意我们做出的决定。我们在不公开场合听到很多朋友们表示支持的声音。但是我要求那些重视国际社会法令的人公开支持我们的行动。
 
  最后,请允许我对美国人民表示:我知道我们厌倦战争。我们已经结束在伊拉克的战争。我们正在结束在阿富汗的战争。美国人民都明智地认识到,我们不能以我们的军事力量解决叙利亚的根本问题。在世界的这个地区,存在着历史久远的宗派分歧,阿拉伯之春(Arab Spring)的希望释放了改革的力量,需要多年才能解决问题。正因为如此,我们不考虑派我们的军队投入其他人的战争漩涡。
 
  然而,我们将继续支持叙利亚人民,为此需要对阿萨德政权施加压力,坚持我们对反对派的承诺,关心流离失所的民众,并争取政治解决方案,实现尊重本国人民尊严的政府。
 
  但我们是美利坚合众国(United States of America),绝不能对大马士革发生的一切视而不见。我们在世界大战的废墟上建立了国际秩序,执行了使现行国际秩序行之有效的各种规则。我们这样做是因为,我们相信,个人享有和平、有尊严的生活的权利取决于各国承担的责任。我们并不完善,但这个国家比其他任何国家都更愿意承担这些责任。
 
  为此,我要求国会两党的所有成员为我们的国家安全投下这一票。我期待对此进行辩论。与此同时,我要求诸位国会议员考虑到有些问题比党派分歧更重要,比现时政治更重要。
 
  归根结底,这与谁在某一个时期在这个职位上任职视事无关;这关系到维护我们作为一个国家的本色。我认为民意代表必须为美国在海外从事的工作发挥作用。现在正应该向全世界表明美国恪守我们的承诺。我们言出必行。我们秉持我们的信念发挥领导作用,坚信正义就是力量—而不是相反。
 
  众所周知,做出任何选择都不容易。但是我当选此职,不是为了回避艰难的抉择。参众两院的成员也是如此。我已经告诉诸位我秉持的信念,我们的安全和我们的价值观要求我们不能对使用化学武器残杀无数平民的行为袖手旁观。只要总统和民意代表齐心协力,我们的民主就更为强大。
 
  我准备对这种暴行采取行动。今天,我请求国会告诉全世界,我们准备举国同心向前迈进。
 
  多谢诸位。
 
  结束 东部夏令时下午2:02
 
 
  附:英文原文
 
  Good afternoon, everybody. Ten days ago, the world watched in horror as men, women and children were massacred in Syria in the worst chemical weapons attack of the 21st century. Yesterday the United States presented a powerful case that the Syrian government was responsible for this attack on its own people。
 
  Our intelligence shows the Assad regime and its forces preparing to use chemical weapons, launching rockets in the highly populated suburbs of Damascus, and acknowledging that a chemical weapons attack took place. And all of this corroborates what the world can plainly see – hospitals overflowing with victims; terrible images of the dead. All told, well over 1,000 people were murdered. Several hundred of them were children – young girls and boys gassed to death by their own government。
 
  This attack is an assault on human dignity. It also presents a serious danger to our national security. It risks making a mockery of the global prohibition on the use of chemical weapons. It endangers our friends and our partners along Syria’s borders, including Israel, Jordan, Turkey, Lebanon and Iraq. It could lead to escalating use of chemical weapons, or their proliferation to terrorist groups who would do our people harm。
 
  In a world with many dangers, this menace must be confronted。
 
  Now, after careful deliberation, I have decided that the United States should take military action against Syrian regime targets. This would not be an open-ended intervention. We would not put boots on the ground. Instead, our action would be designed to be limited in duration and scope. But I'm confident we can hold the Assad regime accountable for their use of chemical weapons, deter this kind of behaviour, and degrade their capacity to carry it out。
 
  Our military has positioned assets in the region. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs has informed me that we are prepared to strike whenever we choose. Moreover, the Chairman has indicated to me that our capacity to execute this mission is not time-sensitive; it will be effective tomorrow, or next week, or one month from now. And I'm prepared to give that order。
 
  But having made my decision as Commander-in-Chief based on what I am convinced is our national security interests, I'm also mindful that I'm the President of the world's oldest constitutional democracy. I've long believed that our power is rooted not just in our military might, but in our example as a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. And that's why I've made a second decision: I will seek authorisation for the use of force from the American people's representatives in Congress。
 
  Over the last several days, we've heard from members of Congress who want their voices to be heard. I absolutely agree. So this morning, I spoke with all four congressional leaders, and they've agreed to schedule a debate and then a vote as soon as Congress comes back into session。
 
  In the coming days, my administration stands ready to provide every member with the information they need to understand what happened in Syria and why it has such profound implications for America's national security. And all of us should be accountable as we move forward, and that can only be accomplished with a vote。
 
  I'm confident in the case our government has made without waiting for U.N. inspectors. I'm comfortable going forward without the approval of a United Nations Security Council that, so far, has been completely paralysed and unwilling to hold Assad accountable. As a consequence, many people have advised against taking this decision to Congress, and undoubtedly, they were impacted by what we saw happen in the United Kingdom this week when the Parliament of our closest ally failed to pass a resolution with a similar goal, even as the Prime Minister supported taking action。
 
  Yet, while I believe I have the authority to carry out this military action without specific congressional authorisation, I know that the country will be stronger if we take this course, and our actions will be even more effective. We should have this debate, because the issues are too big for business as usual. And this morning, John Boehner, Harry Reid, Nancy Pelosi and Mitch McConnell agreed that this is the right thing to do for our democracy。
 
  A country faces few decisions as grave as using military force, even when that force is limited. I respect the views of those who call for caution, particularly as our country emerges from a time of war that I was elected in part to end. But if we really do want to turn away from taking appropriate action in the face of such an unspeakable outrage, then we must acknowledge the costs of doing nothing。

Here's my question for every member of Congress and every member of the global community: What message will we send if a dictator can gas hundreds of children to death in plain sight and pay no price? What's the purpose of the international system that we've built if a prohibition on the use of chemical weapons that has been agreed to by the governments of 98 per cent of the world's people and approved overwhelmingly by the Congress of the United States is not enforced?
 
  Make no mistake – this has implications beyond chemical warfare. If we won't enforce accountability in the face of this heinous act, what does it say about our resolve to stand up to others who flout fundamental international rules? To governments who would choose to build nuclear arms? To terrorist who would spread biological weapons? To armies who carry out genocide?
 
  We cannot raise our children in a world where we will not follow through on the things we say, the accords we sign, the values that define us。
 
  So just as I will take this case to Congress, I will also deliver this message to the world. While the U.N. investigation has some time to report on its findings, we will insist that an atrocity committed with chemical weapons is not simply investigated, it must be confronted。
 
  I don't expect every nation to agree with the decision we have made. Privately we’ve heard many expressions of support from our friends. But I will ask those who care about the writ of the international community to stand publicly behind our action。
 
  And finally, let me say this to the American people: I know well that we are weary of war. We’ve ended one war in Iraq. We're ending another in Afghanistan. And the American people have the good sense to know we cannot resolve the underlying conflict in Syria with our military. In that part of the world, there are ancient sectarian differences, and the hopes of the Arab Spring have unleashed forces of change that are going to take many years to resolve. And that's why we’re not contemplating putting our troops in the middle of someone else’s war。
 
  Instead, we’ll continue to support the Syrian people through our pressure on the Assad regime, our commitment to the opposition, our care for the displaced, and our pursuit of a political resolution that achieves a government that respects the dignity of its people。
 
  But we are the United States of America, and we cannot and must not turn a blind eye to what happened in Damascus. Out of the ashes of world war, we built an international order and enforced the rules that gave it meaning. And we did so because we believe that the rights of individuals to live in peace and dignity depends on the responsibilities of nations. We aren’t perfect, but this nation more than any other has been willing to meet those responsibilities。
 
  So to all members of Congress of both parties, I ask you to take this vote for our national security. I am looking forward to the debate. And in doing so, I ask you, members of Congress, to consider that some things are more important than partisan differences or the politics of the moment。
 
  Ultimately, this is not about who occupies this office at any given time; it’s about who we are as a country. I believe that the people’s representatives must be invested in what America does abroad, and now is the time to show the world that America keeps our commitments. We do what we say. And we lead with the belief that right makes might – not the other way around。
 
  We all know there are no easy options. But I wasn’t elected to avoid hard decisions. And neither were the members of the House and the Senate. I’ve told you what I believe, that our security and our values demand that we cannot turn away from the massacre of countless civilians with chemical weapons. And our democracy is stronger when the President and the people’s representatives stand together。
 
  I’m ready to act in the face of this outrage. Today I’m asking Congress to send a message to the world that we are ready to move forward together as one nation。
 
  Thanks very much。
 

—— 原载: 美国驻华大使馆官网
本站刊登日期: Saturday, August 31, 2013
关键词: 奥巴马 叙利亚
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